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| ANDREA'S ROOM |
David Zonshein: First I need to mention that I was a very dedicated soldier, an officer in an elite Israel Defense Forces (IDF) unit. I was willing to serve my country and to protect it any time. But after a few years in service I started to realise that this is not what I was doing on "duty operations". It took me about 10 years to reach a certain maturity to concede that in serving in the Occupied Territories I was not protecting my own people, my country - on the contrary, I was causing a lot of damage to them. My and my comrades' refusal is thus intended to prevent crimes and collective punishments against civilians who have nothing to do with the fighting. The letter states our principal willingness to serve - but not against our conscience. It says: "We... soldiers of the Israel Defense Forces, who were raised upon the principles of Zionism, sacrifice and giving to the people of Israel and to the State of Israel... shall not continue to fight beyond the 1967 borders in order to dominate, expel, starve and humiliate an entire people..." "Seruv" - this is how your movement is named in Hebrew - means refusal. How did you arrive at the decision to refuse? DZ: Since my reserve duty in December 2001, I decided that I was going to take the IDF out of the territories after I saw how much the occupation and the punishment of the Palestinian civilian population harms security. The settlers on the other hand are doing everything to entrench their rule over occupied land of which the State of Israel never recognised sovereignty. They are undermining the Zionist vision of the Jewish state - trying to bring about Apartheid, in which a Jewish minority rules over an Arab majority deprived of the most basic civil rights. Actually there were two major causes that grounded my decision. The first is the more general one and that is, as a good and dedicated officer you are constantly trying to give a 100 per cent of yourself to your country. And for about ten years I fit into this pattern and obeyed to do what I was told. I was raised and educated in this sense. But when I was about 28 I started to question the importance of what I was doing on my duty operations. When you put a road block in Nablus for example, you ask yourself: what is the importance of stopping ordinary Palestinian citizens near Nablus? You start questioning yourself: why should these people and kids, who are on their way to school, to the hospital, to their work or to do shopping be hindered to live their everyday life? I was looking at the situation and kept questioning myself. Do I really help protecting Israel? My commanders always told me: yes, serving in the Occupied Territories is maintaining Israel's security. The belief that justice is on our side, and the total faith in our commanders, had blinded me for a long time. But more and more I started to loose confidence in that. As a well-trained soldier of the IDF you know of course, that the only way to protect a country is to know its borders. But where are Israel's borders? - I kept asking myself. The more specific cause underlying my decision is that for many years I have been involved - like any other combat soldier in Israel or any other occupation regime - with many occupation incidents. What were these incident like? Could you recall one or two? DZ: For example, stopping Palestinians at checkpoints and road blocks for hours and hours. It's the simplest, you do it all day long. The other one is arresting people in the middle of the night, taking them out of their home, separating men from women and children, taking them with you for a few days for questioning and investigation. Of course, in 99 percent of the investigation nothing comes out. Another example is patrolling inside Casbah (the "heart" of Arab villages in Palestine, very small with very narrow streets and the market at the centre), when suddenly a kid smashes your friend, your comrade, with a stone. And this stone hurts your comrade's nose which is bleeding from it. You can imagine, as soon as you see your friend bleeding, you don't care about the Palestinians or anything. I saw it many times - and stopped it many times. But when this happens the platoon, the company just gets crazy about it and attacks everything - women, children, everything which comes their way. And the worst is, you can't change it. Because when you are there, you don't see it. That's so amazing. As a soldier you can't get the whole picture when you are there, and nobody wants to see the whole picture at that point. All these methods of humiliation and punishment are inherent in the occupation. Another incident I remember and which had a changing impact on me, is, when after the Camp David 2000 Summit between the then US President Bill Clinton, Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak and Palestinian Authority Chairman Yasser Arafat, which ended on July 25 without an agreement being reached, Ehud Barak returned to Israel there were a lot of Israeli-Arab demonstrations inside Israel. Both sides, Israeli and Palestinians, blamed the other for the failure of the talks, and it happened that on one occasion the Israeli police killed about 13 Israeli-Arabs, all were Israeli citizens, who protested peacefully. While in another - very violent - demonstration by fanatic Jews the police did not even interfere. This was a complete shock to me. For the first time in my life I was unable to understand what was going on in our society. Why did the Israeli police in a peaceful protest march kill 13 Israeli-Arabs and in a far more violent demonstration not even interfere? And then I understood that this must have to do with the religion, the cult. In the following two years I went through a process of intellectual searching and understanding: I read a lot about other occupation regimes - the Americans in Vietnam, the Whites in South Africa etc., and I was talking to many people to find out what was really going on in Israel. This process, together with my experiences on my last reserve duty in Gaza, eventually led to my decision to refuse. When in November 2001 I got another call for reserve duty in Gaza Strip it was very clear to me, that I would not be part of the occupation again. I promised to myself that I would not participate in any mission beyond the Green Line. Was there anyone to assist you in this difficult decision-taking - a rabbi or other authority you could rely on? DZ: It was my personal decision and I didn't discuss it with anyone. After all it was the natural or perhaps logical outcome of a long and painful process that I'd gone through. At what point did you announce your findings to the chief commander and comrades? DZ: One day I was called up to reserve duty and I had to admit that I couldn't go, I just wasn't able to. Why is this so important to mention? It is important because for a company commander - I was a company commander for about 10 years in an elite unit - it is incredible to do such a move. Incredible because there are things you just don't do - disobeying an order in the Army is like I'd say to you: "go up on the tenth floor and jump". And so I refused. Have you been afraid for punishment? DZ: Not really, no. Because in the end of the day the punishment is not so high. The real heavy price we paid and from which we suffered were the social sanctions from friends, comrades or even family members. In an earlier statement you mentioned that Gaza seems to you "like a different planet". For most of us who have never been to Gaza it is hard to imagine what living conditions are like. Could you perhaps give a picture of your last reserve duty in Gaza? DZ: I was in Gaza for about 40 days. It was a total disaster. What we made there for 40 days was a nightmare for someone like me who already couldn't understand what's it all for. We did everything. We demolished many flats. One of my soldiers was killed at Kfar Darom by a Palestinian mortar shell, when he tried to get children of settlers to leave a playground. He died instantly. It was a total disaster. Perhaps the worst of it all was that you knew: the only way to bring your soldiers safely back home is to make the Palestinians' life unbearable. Even if you are very humanistic, morale and a fair-code man, you can't change it. You just can't . Gaza is, Gaza was, a very ruthless place. When Palestinians attack you, you have to attack them back, especially when you had to protect your comrades. My most important mission was to take my 50 people back to their families safely, and for about 40 days I was commanding all the missions in my company, I didn't let anybody of my platoon commanders do it, because I was afraid that none could do it as good as I do. But again and again I asked myself, how come among so many senior officers fully familiar with the situation, there is not a single one who gets up, takes off his uniform and says - in this, I will not take part. After these 40 days on duty in Gaza, I went back home to Tel Aviv. What shocked me was that in Tel Aviv everything was very peaceful. That was amazing. People were sitting in Cafés drinking coffee, chatting. And I remember getting off the bus looking at my local café where I used to have a coffee daily, and I was just staring at the people. I felt the urge to scream: "What are you doing there? There is a war only a few kilometres from here. Don't you know? I lost a soldier there. Many Palestinians are getting killed there. How can you sit here drinking coffee? Don't you understand what's going on?" For about three or four days I felt like a Zombie, a nobody. I hardly spoke. At work - I was working for a software company in Herzliya near Tel Aviv - people asked me, if I was okay. My comrades asked me, too: "What's the point with Gaza? You have been in many operations in Lebanon ten years ago. You were part of special operation force, you fought against Hezbollah and you have lost soldiers before. So what happened in Gaza that makes you so different?" They were right, I put my life in danger many times before. What happened? I had no explanation for it. And one night, a few days after these conversations, I was sitting in the room in my apartment, sleepless, when that "combatants'letter" spilled out of me. I wrote the 100 or 150 words from beginning to end and nothing in it needed to be changed since then. I showed it to Yaniv Itzkovitz, my platoon commander, and then started showing it to friends. It was incredible to hear the reactions. A very common response was, "Brother, this is the way we have felt for 10 years." How many of your comrades joint you at that point? DZ: About 50 people joint first. It only took about three weeks to gather 50 officers - most of them from the combat unit. Today, after four years, we are 633. And after the disengagement from Gaza more people are to join us these days. What was the public's initial respond to the refusal? DZ: The public's reaction was first of all - a shock. The connections we made by outlining our thoughts about real Zionist values - which are contrariwise to serving in the Occupied Territories and punishing innocent people - were absolutely shocking to them. And of course, most of the reactions were totally scathing and rejecting our stand. People who came listing to us were from all walks of religion and society: judges, former Parliament members - and even the Prime Minister had to admit that he couldn't ignore us. For one month or more all the major newspapers in Israel were discussing the refusal on their front pages. In the following weeks I was invited to speak in numerous television talkshows. What many people apparently were impressed by was the fact that we even considered to be jailed for our opinion. But what really was hard to take in the beginning were the reactions from friends and comrades. Most of them turned away from us, seeing us as traitors to the State of Israel. Luckily this changed with recent years. Today many of them show more tolerance for our cause and some of them even are on our side now and joined us. Dov Weissglass, Ariel Sharon's chief advisor, said last year in a long interview in Haaretz when being asked about the reasons for the government's disengagement plan: "Because of the refuseniks. For the first time the best people of our country said they won't take part in securing the Occupied Territories. Therefore we have to act. Although we do not want to loose any gram of length of the land, we have to understand that we just can't go on like that." The statement by Weissglass marked a serious milestone. Today Israel is out of Gaza; the next step will be getting out of all the Occupied Territories. You can't have the occupation if you don't have people to maintain it. This is the most direct approach. In one of your statements you've said that you "refused in the name of Zionist values" and that your and your comrades refusal "stems from true patriotism, from the need to save the Jewish state, democracy, the army and Zionism". Could you explain what these values are, you are referring to? DZ: We believe that the true purpose of establishing the state of Israel is to create a secured place for the Jewish people after suffering so much over the history and in the holocaust. This secure place is the essence of Zionism, and being morale is the essence of the Jewish message to the world. Today, unfortunately, Israel shows the very opposite. For this reason, if you believe in Jewish or universal ethics, you simply have to refuse. Refusing is the most natural thing to do right now. How long have you been in jail for your disobedience? DZ: I was jailed twice by the IDF, in June 2002 and December 2003, serving a total of 35 days for refusing to serve in the territories. I petitioned to the High Court of Justice, asking it to rule that the very call-up to serve in the territories is an illegal order. Although the June 2002 petition drew extensive publicity, it was rejected by the court. What about the young pupils and students who are going to serve soon: would they listen to you? DZ: We do have a lot of activities in schools. Of course, most of the schools are public schools, so it's not so easy to get in. We also lecture at universities and in other public places, and we supply legal support. Unlike 4 or 5 years ago there are numerous possibilities now to spread the message and distribute our information. How did the Palestinians respond to the refusal? DZ: Actually they didn't respond. I think the main reason why they didn't respond was that they considered it an Israeli internal issue. Nevertheless, I assume that some of them must have been quite content with this development, and Hezbollah suggested this to be the end of the State of Israel. Israel cannot reverse the atrocities and crimes which it did to the Palestinian people ... But, is it still time for Israel to turn direction? DZ: The only way to change direction is to get out of the Occupied Territories. Can you see this happening? DZ: Absolutely. When we were about 200 soldiers and combatant officers, people said: "Okay, you have done a great job, but that doesn't change the general situation. We still have the occupation." Although it seemed quite naive at that time, I told them that it won't take more than 4 years to get out of Gaza and another 4 years to get out of the Occupied Territories. In fact, seen from today's perspective, it took even less than 4 years to get out of Gaza. And even though the situation is still terrible, I stay optimistic. I think we will be out of the whole Occupied Territories before 2008. The public in Israel is ready for it. In fact Sharon's disengagement from Gaza is nothing else than a diversion which he uses for enlarging the West Bank settlements ... DZ: Of course, I agree. But history is a lot bigger than Sharon in any respect. Do you think peace between Israelis and Palestinians is possible? DZ: Yes, I strongly believe in it. But "Courage to Refuse" is not talking about peace in the first place. We are talking about Israel becoming a morally good country. A country that doesn't occupy another people. Let's start thus with ending the occupation - getting out of the Occupied Territories is a prerequisite for peace in the future. The old ways of dealing with the issue: "you give us land, and we'll give you peace" don't work any longer. I think Israel should get out of the Occupied Territories without any claims. It doesn't get us nowhere to talk about a peace process right now because we cannot negotiate with someone we oppress. Peace talks can only be successful when both parties are equal, at the same eye-level. Do you see Israelis and Palestinians living peacefully together in one state? DZ: I think the only solution for the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in the near future is a two-state-solution for both peoples. We are not ready yet to live peacefully together in one country for many reasons. But I can see a two-state-solution very close today, a lot more close than people might think. Courage to Refuse www.seruv.org.il Excerpt from the "Combatant's Letter": * We, reserve combat officers and soldiers of the Israel Defense Forces, who were raised upon the principles of Zionism, self-sacrifice and giving to the people of Israel and to the State of Israel, who have always served in the front lines, and who were the first to carry out any mission in order to protect the State of Israel and strengthen it. * We, combat officers and soldiers who have served the State of Israel for long weeks every year, in spite of the dear cost to our personal lives, have been on reserve duty in the Occupied Territories, and were issued commands and directives that had nothing to do with the security of our country, and that had the sole purpose of perpetuating our control over the Palestinian people. * We, whose eyes have seen the bloody toll this Occupation exacts from both sides, * We, who sensed how the commands issued to us in the Occupied Territories destroy all the values that we were raised upon, * We, who understand now that the price of Occupation is the loss of Israel's Defense Force human character and the corruption of the entire Israeli society, * We, who know that the Territories are not a part of Israel, and that all settlements are bound to be evacuated, * We hereby declare that we shall not continue to fight this War of the Settlements. * We shall not continue to fight beyond the 1967 borders in order to dominate, expel, starve and humiliate an entire people. * We hereby declare that we shall continue serving the Israel Defense Force in any mission that serves Israel's defence. * The missions of occupation and oppression do not serve this purpose - and we shall take no part in them. Statements: Chen Alon, Tel Aviv, Major, Amored Corps "I got tired of invading Palestinian homes in the middle of the night, and tired of humiliating them and intimidating their children. For what? To protect a bunch of fanatical settlers living in subsidised, illegal settlements? No." Noam Leshem, Staff Sergeant, Navy "The taxes that I'm paying the government are going to the settlers. They have tax reductions. That's not democratic, that's not moral. And for what? And should I go there in my reserve duty and defend these people that endanger me, that take my money?" Arik Diamant, Tel Aviv, Staff Sergeant, Paratroopers "Israel defines itself as a democratic nation - and yet denies 3.5 million people, over a third of its population, the most basic civil rights. The Occupied Territories are paved with new roads that are restricted for Jews only. Road blocks, massive demolition of homes and other means of collective punishment are applied for Arabs only, as are the imprisonment of people for years without trial, the punishment of relatives rather than culprits, the limitation of the freedom of movement, extra-judicial executions and the list goes on. All these acts contradict democracy. We refuse in the name of democracy, because democracy means more than just majority rule. [...] We refuse to be sent, 'in the name of democracy', to implement things that are so blatantly undemocratic." |
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